Letters to Atticus

^[858]: Because, though they were his friends, and had been defended by him, they had been legally condemned, and their recall by Caesar's bare authority would be looked upon as offensive to a friend of the constitution.

^[859]: The text of this sentence is hopelessly corrupt. But the general sense is, I think, something like what I have given. Cicero's argument is: 'The only motive for putting oneself in opposition to Pompey's fleet must be fear of Caesar. Now I shewed when I was all alone at Formiae that I would not give in to him: shall I do so now that there are Pompey and the rest to support me?"

^[860]: Cicero here lets out his true motives. The plea of time and opportunity he feels to be hollow. His real motive was the uncertainty as to which was the safer course, while he was also no doubt torn by the conviction that the truly loyal side was that of Pompey.

^[861]: Attus Naevius, the famous augur in the time of the Tarquins.

^[862]: Referring apparently to Plato's Republic, 8.562to 9.580; but the inevitable shortness of a tyrant's sway is not much brought out in this passage of Plato. It is rather the misery of his own feelings that is dwelt upon.

^[863]: L. Caecilius Metellus, the tribune (see p. 364). His opposition in the senate on Caesar's visit to Rome in April seems to have nearly cost him his life.

^[864]: By his seizing the treasury. See p. 365.

^[865]: Thucydides, i 138.

^[866]: P. Scipio Africanus the younger, after delivering a speech in defence of the rights of the Italians, was found dead in his bed. Popular rumour attributed his death to assassination at the bands of Carbo, to which belief Cicero often refers. By the Sullanus dies Cicero seems to mean Sulla's first march upon Rome, when Marius fled and went into exile.

^[867]: Cicero is thinking, not of a future life—in the Christian sense—but of the eternity of fame: as he says elsewhere that he cared more for what people said of him 600 years hence than what they said now.

^[868]: Letter CCCXC.

^[869]: Antony, as propraetor in charge of Italy, was for the moment able to make things disagreeable for Cicero if he chose.

^[870]: skuta/lhn *lakwnikh/n, a staff round which the writing material was rolled, so arranged that it could not be read when unrolled.

^[871]: To Sicily, on his way to Malta.

^[872]: Who had closed their gates to Caesar, and were now being besieged by Caesar's officers, Dec. Brutus and Trebonius.

^[873]: Antony was married to his cousin Antonia, whom he afterwards divorced. He did not marry Fulvia—who was at this time the wife of Curio—for at least four years afterwards. Cytheris was an actress, and is said by Servius (on Virgil, Eclog. x.) to have been the Lycoris of the poet Gallus. For Antony's intrigue with her see 2 Phil. 58, 77, where this description is repeated.

^[874]: Cicero, in jest, gives him the title of triumvir monetalis, "a commissioner of the mint," as though he "coined money" out of his debtors. Or perhaps he was really in that office, the title of which it was not usual to append to letters. Cicero was apparently annoyed at not being addressed as imperator, as was usual for a man who had received that title from his soldiers, while still retaining his provincial imperium This Caesar is always careful to add. Or it may have been unusual, and therefore rather discourteous, to use such titles at all in a business letter. Is there, perhaps, a pun on moneo, as the dunning letter "reminded" Cicero of his obligations? For the transaction see Letter CCCLXXXIII.

^[875]: Reginus had command of ships in the Tuscan Sea, and Cicero hoped would allow of his voyage to Sicily, where Curio was.

^[876]: Cato as a matter of fact abandoned Sicily to Curio without a blow. A specimen of the idle rumours afloat at such a time.

^[877]: Servius Sulpicius (see Letter CCCLXXXVIII). Tyrrell makes this a separate letter. It may be so. But it is possible also that he is answering a letter from Atticus which arrived while he was writing.

^[878]: Hom. Il. 17.112.

^[879]: The text here is very corrupt. The translation is only conjectural. I think the words must somehow refer to his voyage, not to his general policy. See p. 398.

^[880]: It is quite uncertain to whom this refers. It is suggested that it has reference to one of the three leaders of armies against Sulla mentioned by Plutarch (Pomp. vii.); but most texts there have Cloelius (*kloi/lios). Cicero recurs again several times in other letters of this period to him, and he must, therefore, whoever he was, have shewn some intention of resisting usurpation in arms. We shall, however, find Cicero declining to avail himself of armed assistance offered him at Pompeii.

^[881]: Marseilles received the senatorial governor of Gallia, Ahenobarbus, and closed its gates to Caesar (see p. 389). Cicero seems not to know the facts accurately as yet, but to imagine that the prolonged resistance of Marseilles was in consequence of some failure of Caesar's in Spain.

^[882]: Explained by Letter CCCLXXXIII, p. 369, where Cicero says that Atticus's request to him to manage young Quintus was as unreasonable as the Spartan's asking for Arcadia.

^[883]: Some Greek letters here are not intelligible.

^[884]: a)reth/ non est didakto/n. See the discussion in Plato's Protagoras.

^[885]: The form of the sentence shews that this is an answer to some remark of Atticus, who had heard the common gossip of Antony's having a chanot drawn by lions. It is placed at a later date by Plutarch (Ant. ix.), but this passage seems to shew that the story belongs to his tribuneship, when he had propraetorian powers in Italy ftom Caesar. Pliny (Plin. N.H. 8.55), however, assigns it to the period after the battle of Pharsalia.

^[886]: Cicero remarks on Antony's rudeness to the people of the country towns again in B.C. 44 (2 Phil. 105,106).The quattuorviri were the yearly elected magistrates of a municipium.

^[887]: Apparently M. Curtius Postumus, whom we heard of before as a Caesarian, and expecting priestly office (p. 388). He is trying (by persuasion only) to prevent Atticus from leaving Rome. Tyrrell, however, supposes it to be some unknown debtor of Atticus, whose nonpayment keeps Atticus in Rome. But Atticus was much too rich a man to be detained by one unpaid debt.

^[888]: Some unintelligible Greek letters (EWL?aoI'ov) have been emended in several (unsatisfactory) ways. The sense required is shewn from Letter CCCCII (end). Cicero imagines that Atticus has obtained a special permit or diploma to leave Italy. He may well have done so, as a man of business, known not to take part in politics.

^[889]: See p. 356.

^[890]: C. Claudius Marcellus, the consul of B.C. 50, not the C. Claudius Marce1lus, consul B.C. 49. The latter was already with Pompey.

^[891]: He seems to mean, being deputed to Caesar or Pompey to endeavour to make peace.

^[892]: L. Ninnius Quadratus, tribune in B.C. 57 and a supporter of Cicero.

^[893]: See pp. 394, 398.

^[894]: A ruse of some of his enemies to make him commit himself against Caesar, and so compel Caesar to treat him with severity.

^[895]: Hortensius, son of the great orator, was in command of the mare inferum in Caesar's interest. He might, therefore, if he chose to be disagreeable, prevent Cicero's voyage. His wild conduct and character were described in Letter CCLXIII, which accounts for Cicero's relief at finding him a little more decent in conduct than Antony, as referred to in the last letter.

^[896]: Si a)krae\s erit The Greek word is used by Homer as an epithet for a wind (a)kro\s ... a)/hmi). Some translate: "if there is fair weather." The mention of the equinox at this date shews how far the calendar was wrong.

^[897]: The text of these sentences is doubtful.

^[898]: *kwrukai=oi became a proverbial term for spies or eavesdroppers, says Stephanos of Byzantium, from the piratic folk of Corycus in lonia, who listened for the arrival of merchant vessels, in order to plunder them: or, as others explain, because they spied out the merchant vessels and gave information to the pirates.

^[899]: He may allude to the entrance to the infernal regions near Lake Avernus, not far from Cumae. He more than once alludes to the Furies in connexion with civil strife, e.g., pro Sulla, 76.

^[900]: B.C. 48. Coss., C. Iulius Caesar II., P. Servilius Vatia Isauricus.

^[901]: Caes. B.C. 1.53

^[902]: Plut. Cic. 38

^[903]: Phil. 2.57

^[904]: Plut. Cic. 39

^[905]: Phil. 2.5

^[906]: See vol. i., p.92. This was the coinage in circulation throughout Asia Minor. See Head, "Hist. Numm.," pp. 461 ff.

^[907]: His wife's freedman, Philotimus. I have translated Mueller's text minime credere me debere.

^[908]: The second instalment of Tullia's dowry now becoming due to Dolabella. See pp. 8, 10.

^[909]: Dowries were paid in three instalments (pensiones). The second instalment was due to Tullia's husband, Dolabella, on the 1st of July. A divorce, however, was already under discussion. If that were effected Cicero would not have to pay. He is divided in mind. If he paid, and Pompey's side won, he would wish for the divorce, and yet would have difficulty in recovering the money. If Caesar's side won, the rupture with the Caesarian Dolabella might be dangerous.

^[910]: Pompey.

^[911]: As well as to my profit.

^[912]: See vol. i., p.164, and cp. sup. p. 4, for these vicarious letters.

^[913]: Tullia.

^[914]: Tullia. The property, perhaps, was assigned to her by way of dowry. See p. 3.

^[915]: From Letter CCCCXXVI, it appears that Cicero had sold property at Frusino (on the via Latina), retaining the right to repurchase, which he now wished to do. See p.32.

^[916]: The question of leaving Italy to join Pompey.

^[917]: Atticus' father-in-law, Q. Pilius Celer. Of the property of Atticus in Epirus we have heard throughout the correspondence.

^[918]: Mueller and others regard this as a separate letter, earlier in date than the previous part.

^[919]: Pompey, whom however Cicero is careful not to name. This seems to be written after the successful piercing of Caesar's lines, during which Cicero, from ill-health, had left the camp for Dyrrachium.

^[920]: Of Tullia's dowry. See p. 8.

^[921]: His leaving the Pompeian fleet and coming to Italy.

^[922]: P. Servilius Vatia Isauricus, Caesar's colleague in the consulship. Basilus is L. Minucius Basilus, an officer of Caesar's, and afterwards one of his assassins.

^[923]: Cicero's relations with P. Vatinius—though he had finally defended him at Pompey's request—had been so unfriendly, that Atticus had some reason for doubting how he would treat Cicero at Brundisium, where he was in command of some of Caesar's ships. (Caes. B. Alex. 47.)

^[924]: I.e., to Asia or Alexandria, to make their peace with Caesar.

^[925]: Apparently the expression of Caesar's wish to Dolabella, which he afterwards quotes in his own justification, does not seem to him sufficiently formal. See p.19.

^[926]: Brundisium was in the hands of the Caesarians under Vatinius with ships and men.

^[927]: The text of this sentence is very uncertain. I have followed Mueller's reliquo tempore me domi tenui...ad Balbum scripsi.

^[928]: Pompey was murdered on landing in Egypt on the 28th of September. The coldness of this reference does not accord well with Cicero's former warm expressions as to his "gratitude"to Pompey. But his language in regard to him is by no means uniformly that of admiration, often quite the reverse; and there had been much strained feeling between them in the camp in Epirus.

^[929]: C. Fannius, tribune in B.C. 59. He was sent to Sicily B.C. 49 (vol., ii., p.252), but appears not to have gone, or at any rate he soon returned and joined Pompey in Epirus (ib. p.308). Whether he fell at Pharsalia, or afterwards with Pompey, we have no other information.

^[930]: L. Cornelius Lentulus Crus, one of the consuls of the previous year. Hortensius—the famous orator-was noted for the splendour of his villas; his town house, in which Augustus afterwards lived, is described by Suetonius as a "moderate building" (Aug. ch. 72); but that was in view of the splendid buildings of the imperial age. It seems to have been conspicuous at this time. The right owner, the younger Hortensius, was serving Caesar (vol ii., pp.392, 400).

^[931]: The text is corrupt. I venture to read: arbitratus es. Itane est igitur, ut scribis, istis placere eisdem lictoribus me uti, quod concessum Sestio sit? Itane may without much violence be extracted from t ea, and factum be an inserted explanation of est.

^[932]: To P. Sestius had been allotted the province of Cilicia in succession to Cicero, but this allotment had taken place after the expulsion of the Tribunes in January, B.C. 49; for we know that Curio had up to 10th December, B.C. 50, prevented any decree as to the provinces (vol. ii., p.182). Therefore, Cicero argues, Caesar, who would not acknowledge any Senatus Consultum after the expulsion of the Tribunes, if he allows of Sestius having imperium, must do so as an act of his own. But in Cicero's own case his imperium dated long before, and Caesar could consistently acknowledge it.

^[933]: M. Antonius and Q. Cassius, vol. ii., p.234.

^[934]: Cicero repeats this assertion of Caesar's invitation afterwards, in answer to Antony's remark that he spared him at Brundisium when he might have killed him. (Phil. 2.5.)

^[935]: Cicero did not wish his name to be mentioned as specially favoured by Caesar, for fear of being discredited with the Pompeians, should they eventually prevail. For Laelius, see p.33.

^[936]: Servius Sulpicius Rufus (see vol. ii., pp.354, 361) retired to Samos after Pharsalia, and was soon afterwards employed by Caesar to govern Greece. His son had been in Caesar's army.

^[937]: I. e., written in Cicero's name (see pp. 4, 9, 22).

^[938]: Q Fufius Calenus (see p.35).

^[939]: The tendency of Quintus to indulge in violent language is often referred to (see especially vol. i., p.128; vol. ii., pp.149, 191).

^[940]: B.C. 47. Dict. r. p. c., C. Iulius Caesar, Mag. Eq., M. Antonius. Coss. (for three last months), Q. Fufius Calenus, P. Vatinius.

^[941]: The new tribunes, among whom was Dolabella, had, after coming into office, 10th December, B.C. 48, passed some law as to the Pompeians coming into Italy, about which we have no information. Atticus had remarked that Cicero would not be affected by it, as he had come before. He replies that that is small consolation, as his having come at all does, not seem to have put him in any better position, i.e., as to regaining his full rights and the power of coming to Rome.

^[942]: This has been variously supposed to refer to Caesar, Antony, or Dolabella. Hardly Dolabella, I think. It seems most likely to mean Antony, who will, he is afraid, take advantage of the law to annoy him, though, as a fact, Antony had at present been very considerate to him.

^[943]: Quintus. Apparently Atticus had tried to soften Cicero's feelings in regard to his brother's unkindness.

^[944]: P. Vatinius was in command at Brundisium (see p. 14). Aulus Ligurius was a prominent Caesarian, who was also friendly to Cicero.

^[945]: This treatment of his brother's letters addressed to others it is, of course, impossible to justify, and is indeed condemned by his own words as to the confldential nature of letters (Phil. 2.7). He seems to have been inclined to treat Quintus's correspondence with some freedom, for he advised the young Quintus in his father's absence to open letters addressed to him. See vol. ii., p.170.

^[946]: Apparently when they left the Pompeian fleet at Corcyra, and proceeded together to Patrae.

^[947]: Lit. "taken up," as it was the custom of the father to raise an infant from the floor in token that he wished it reared.

^[948]: See vol. ii., p.44.

^[949]: It was not unusual, it appears, to deliver a set harangue from a written copy to a great man, though in an informal meeting. Suetonius says that Augustus always did so on important matters, even with his wife Livia (Suet. Aug. 84), and Dio has preserved a conversation of the sort between them (55, 15), and two speeches of Agrippa and Maecenas of the same kind (52, I, ff.). Tacitus (Ann. 4.39) says that it was the common custom in the time of Tiberius.

^[950]: Where Cato and the other Pompeian leaders were making great head.

^[951]: All these disorders make Cicero fear that, after all, Caesar will fail, and his own position be worse than ever, as he has hopelessly offended the Pompeians. The military disorders were among the legions sent back to Italy after Pharsalia, who were discontented with their rewards. The disturbances in the city were caused by the contests between Dolabella and his fellow tribunes-Dolabella endeavouring to introduce an act for the relief of debtors, which gave rise to bloody faction fights in Rome, which Antony, Caesar's Master of the Horse, vainly tried to suppress ([Caesar) Bell. Alex. 65; Dio, 42, 29-32; App. Bell. Civ. 2.92). For the trouble in Spain, see p.30.

^[952]: Quintus, father and son, whom, as Atticus's brother-in-law and nephew, he would not cast off, however much he may have disapproved of their conduct.

^[953]: In coming to Italy, and so committing himself in the eyes of the Pompeians, who now seem likely to win.

^[954]: Gnaeus Sallustius, a friend and client of Cicero's, has brought him the thirty sestertia (about £240) at Brundisium, having borrowed it from Publius Sallustius, whom Cicero now wishes to be paid.

^[955]: Quintus, who was at Sicyon or Patrae.

^[956]: There seems at first sight a contradiction, but Cicero means: "I did not wish Caesar to think that I acted under pressure from friends (e.g., Quintus), but that I came to the conclusion myself that I could not risk the severe remarks of the men of my party." If my view is right (see p. I), that Cicero eventually resolved to go when it was believed that Caesar had failed in Spain, no doubt the explanation to be given now was a delicate matter.

^[957]: Caesar had, after his Spanish victory of B.C. 49, left Q. Cassius Longinus (the tribune who had with Antony vetoed the proposal for his recall) as governor of Farther Spain, Baetica. His harsh and grasping administration had caused a rebellion. Though this was eventually put down in B.C. 47, he had been obliged to leave the country, which was thoroughly prepared to take the Pompeian side, as was soon shewn by the expulsion of the next Caesarian governor, C. Trebonius. It is the news of this disturbance that makes Cicero speak of Spain, by which he means Southern Spain, as lost to Caesar.

^[958]: Write in Cicero's name. As such letters were no doubt written by an amanuensis, there would be nothing to shew (except style!) that they were not dictated by Cicero himself. See pp. 4, 9, 20.

^[959]: Dolabella's extravagant proposals as tribune, and the consequent riots. See ante, p.27.

^[960]: Cretio was the acceptance by an heir of an inheritance, with all its burdens. This had to be done within a certain number of days after the heir was notified of the fact. Sometimes there were special conditions attached, or the time allowed for acceptance was shortened by the clause being omitted, ordering the time for acceptance to be counted from the day the heir was notified. By cretio simplex Cicero seems to mean that everything was regular, so that there was no need to send him documents: though others explain cretio simplex to mean that there was only one heir.

^[961]: The success of the Caesarians.

^[962]: P. Cornelius Lentulus (consul B.C. 57) was refused permission to land at Rhodes (Caes. B.C. 3.29). Gaius Cassius Longinus—the future assassin of Caesar—was in command of Phoenician and Cilician ships for Pompey off Sicily, when he heard of the battle of Pharsalia. He made for the Hellespont, intending, it is said, to get the help of Pharnaces, son of Mithradates. But when he met Caesar, who was making his way through Asia, he immediately submitted, and, returning southward, met Caesar again at Rhodes, who used some of his ships on his voyage to Alexandria (Caes. B.C. 3.101; App. B. Civ. 2.88-89;; Dio, 42, 6).

^[963]: For Frusino and the loan to Pompey, see pp. 2, 10.

^[964]: To join Cato and the other Pompeians, from the belief that they were now in the ascendent.

^[965]: Decimus Laelius had blockaded Brundisium in B.C. 48, but had, with Cicero, been specifically excepted in Antony's edict forbidding Pompeians to come to Italy (see Letter CCCCXVIII, p. 19). He seems in some way to have kept on terms with the Pompeians (see p. 37). But he apparently played his cards well, and survived to be governor of Africa about B.C. 44 (Dio, 48, 21).

^[966]: I.e., by the Pompeians.

^[967]: Referring, as before, to Dolabella's proceedings as tribune. See p.27.

^[968]: Abusing me. It does not seem likely that Quintus was contemplating rejoining the Pompeians in Africa.

^[969]: The text is corrupt.

^[970]: The Pompeians, who, instead of keeping with the Pompeian fleet, had taken refuge in Patrae and Sicyon, and had then crossed to Asia in hopes of meeting Caesar and obtaining pardon. See p. 14.

^[971]: Decimus Laelius See pp.19, 33.

^[972]: Q. Fufius Calenus, tribune in B.C. 61, and supporter of Clodius (vol. i., pp. 35, 109). One of Caesar's legates in Gaul, he stuck to him in the Civil War (vol. ii., p.318), and during B.C. 48 had been engaged in taking possession of Greek cities in Caesar's interest, among others Patrae, and remained there in command of troops (Caes. B.C. 3.56, 106; Dio. 42, 14). He was rewarded by the consulship for the last three months of B.C. 47. See supra, p.22.

^[973]: The son of the famous actor, who was a great friend of Cicero's (vol. i., pp.132, 258). The son appears to have been dissolute.

^[974]: Apparently he supposes that the other legatees thought it doubtful whether Cicero had not incurred confiscation of his property, and so, being disfranchised, would be unable to take his share: and therefore thought it better not to make a division. If that were once made they would have great difficulty in recovering the money.

^[975]: The various points are here enumerated in which things had gone against Caesar's interests, and therefore in favour of the ultimate triumph of the Pompeian party in Africa. They are: (I) the defeat of Domitius Calvinus by Pharnaces in Asia; (2) the failure of Aulus Gabinius in Illyricum (App. Illyr. § 12); (3) the insurrection in Baetica which had forced Q. Cassius to quit the province (he was drowned on the voyage home); (4) the difficulties Caesar himself had met with at Alexandria; (5) the troubles in the city caused by the contest between the tribunes Trebellius and Dolabella; (6) the mutinous conduct of the legions in Italy. What Cicero did not know was the completeness with which Caesar had overcome his difficulties in Egypt; nor could he foresee the rapidity with which he was to put down the war in Asia, for which he was on the point of starting. The troubles in Italy and Rome disappeared at once on his arrival, and in the next year (B.C. 46) the victory of Thapsus finally crushed the hopes of the Pompeians in Africa. The trouble in Baetica hung on for another year, and indeed lasted long after his death.

^[976]: Decimus Laelius appears to have returned in some way to his old Pompeian friends.

^[977]: Because neither those in Asia nor those in Achaia had as yet taken the final step of reconciling themselves to Caesar, and yet would be able to do so, if necessary, as not having crossed to the Pompeians in Africa; whereas Cicero, by coming to Italy, had definitely separated himself from the Pompeians, and, if Caesar failed, would suffer their vengeance. The others were safe in either event; he in neither, as he could not trust Caesar, and yet was lost if Caesar failed.

^[978]: All the commentators explain this to mean the Caesarians, but I think it more likely that Cicero means the Pompeians, who just now are in high hopes. "Even suppose they would admit me as one of themselves again—which they don't-yet (being resolved against active war) where am I to go? I can't go to Africa, where there will be war, or stay here if they come in arms." He has used the same word (recipere) in the previous letters of the taking back by the Pompeians of those who deserted the fleet and went to Achaia or Asia.

^[979]: Philotimus was the freedman of Terentia, whose transactions in regard to Milo's property Cicero thought so suspicious. That he should now be listening to tales against his wife from this man shews how much the alienation had already grown. Cicero is anxious that she should make proper provision for her children.

^[980]: According to Plutarch (Cic. 41) Terentia had allowed Tullia to undertake this journey without proper provision or escort. See also p.41.

^[981]: Whose arrival at Brundisium we heard of, p. 28 Mueller begins a fresh letter with this sentence. It seems likely that he is right. Yet it is practically a continuation of the former hasty note.

^[982]: Mueller quite alters the complexion of this sentence, reading Paeto for pro ea, and quem ad modum consulenti for quam ad modum consolanti. But there seems no point in a reference to Paetus.

^[983]: The Caesarians in Rome.

^[984]: See p. 36. Illud de litteris, lit. "the assertion about the letter": it is almost a periphrasis for litteras.

^[985]: The son of Servius Sulpicius Rufus was with Caesar. See vol. ii., pp.356, 361.

^[986]: The MS. reading is apud epistolas velim ut possim adversas. I venture to write—as no satisfactory suggestion has been made—apud Vestales velim depositum adservari. The Vestals were frequently the holders of wills (see Suet. Iul. 83; Aug.101 Tac. Ann. i. 8; Plutarch, Ant. 58), and Terentia had a half-sister a Vestal virgin, or perhaps apud a)sfalei=s might be suggested from p.47.

^[987]: If the reading fatuitate is right—which is very doubtful—Cicero apparently has found Tullia infatuated with her dissolute husband Dolabella, and unwilling to divorce him, though reduced to great straits by his extravagance. The "second instalment" refers to Tullia's dowry. See pp.39, 41.

^[988]: Comparing pp.44 48, I think this must be taken to refer to movables belonging to Tullia, not Cicero. He wishes them to be sold and the money deposited in safe hands, in case of her husband repudiating her, or being himself ruined.

^[989]: See p.38.

^[990]: De statua Clodi, the reading proposed by Tyrrell and Purser for the corrupt words of the MS. No better has been proposed. We have to assume that Dolabella had in some way countenanced a statue of Clodius being put up. The fact is not otherwise known. Schütz reads de statu rei publicae.

^[991]: If the divorce originated with Dolabella, he would have no claim to the third instalment of the dowry, and would have to refund the other instalments—though in his circumstances Cicero despairs of getting them, as it would seem; but if the divorce originated with Tullia, unless she could shew misconduct on his part, the dowry would remain, in part at any rate, with Dolabella. I have followed Schütz in interpreting this passage; Tyrrell and Purser refer cum ab ipso nascetur to the demand for the payment of the third instalment, not to the divorce itself. But see p.46.

^[992]: Philotimus was supposed to be bringing a letter from Caesar to Cicero, which he thinks may be decisive as to his farther residence at Brundisium. So he must make preparation as to where to go if obliged to leave Italy.

^[993]: Terentia's will (pp. 38, 43). Cicero's fear is that Terentia's property would be confiscated, like his own. In that case obligations acknowledged in her will would be payable out of it.

^[994]: As to the sale of plate and furniture. See pp.43, 44.

^[995]: The port of Antioch. Schmidt reads C. Treboni libertus. It does seem unlikely that Trebonius should have gone to Asia between the end of his praetorship (B.C. 48) and the beginning of his proconsulship in Baetica some time late in B.C. 47, yet it is not impossible, for he was only sent there when Caesar heard of the misconduct and failure of Cassius (B. Alex. 64).

^[996]: Those contained in the courteous letter of Caesar, which yet did not convey a formal pardon.

^[997]: I. e., instead of coming to Italy. Sicily would be the point of departure for attacking the Pompeians in Africa.

^[998]: The last letter to Atticus does not ask for advice on this situation, and none exists giving an account of Caesar's letter. Therefore it has reasonably been suggested that a letter, dated as that to Terentia on the 12th, has been lost.

^[999]: Pharnaces, son of Mithradates, left by Pompey king of part of his father's dominions, was trying to recover Pontus, now part of a Roman province. He had already defeated Domitius Calvinus (pro Deiot. § 14). He was beaten by Caesar at Zela on the 2nd of August—the veni, vidi, vici battle.

^[1000]: P. Cornelius Sulla, a nephew of the dictator, whom Cicero defended in B.C. 62 on a charge of complicity with Catiline's conspiracy. He had fought at Pharsalia on the side of Caesar, and was now sent over to Italy to conduct legions to Sicily for the war against the Pompeians in Africa. The mutiny of the soldiers was for the rewards promised them in the campaign of B.C. 48. See next letter.

^[1001]: Caesar, however, came to Italy from Asia, landing at Tarentum.

^[1002]: He would touch at Brundisium as he was coasting down the south-eastern shores of Italy.

^[1003]: Though it would now be bad for me, I sometimes forget that, and still wish my old friends, the Pompeians, to triumph. I have adopted Mueller's text, quam quod iis ad quorum utilitatem, etc.

^[1004]: From Quintus and others inclosed by Atticus. See p. 51.

^[1005]: See p. 51 Messalla is M. Valerius Messalla, consul B.C. 53, afterwards condemned for sodalitium (vol. ii., pp.22, 40). He had been recalled, it seems, with others by Antony, under Caesar's orders.

^[1006]: In oppidum, "town by town," may possibly be justified by analogy With such a phrase as in diem vivere: but it is certainly very difficult. Schmidt writes in oppido uno.

^[1007]: As a matter of fact, while Cicero wrote this, Caesar had already overcome all difficulties in Asia with marvellous rapidity. See p.51.

^[1008]: Terentia's will. See pp.38, 51.

^[1009]: L. Statius Murcus had been Caesar's legatus in B.C. 48, and seems still to be with him in Africa; he was praetor in B.C. 45 and proconsul of Syria in B.C. 44. He then joined the party of the assassins, but was put to death in B.C. 42 by the order or connivance of Sextus Pompeius.

^[1010]: C. Asinius Pollio, the celebrated orator, poet, and historian

^[1011]: Gnaeus Pompeius, the elder son of Pompeius Magnus.

^[1012]: L. Iunius (or according to some Vibius) Paciaecus appears to be in Baetica, as he was in the following year.

^[1013]: Aulus Hirtius, destined to fall at Mutina in his consulship, B.C. 43, had been Caesar's legatus, and was probably the author of the eighth book of the Gallic war. He was presently employed to write a pamphlet against Cato.

^[1014]: As though it didn't matter which party won at Thapsus.

^[1015]: Fructum; but the word is probably corrupt. The sentiment is repeated in a letter to Paetus (Letter CCCCLXXVIII, p.104), when speaking of the danger of his property at Tusculum being confiscated—"I am not at all afraid, I enjoy it while I may"—fruor dum licet. Cp. also Att. 2, 4 (vol. i., p.89), fructum palaestrae Palatinae. We might, perhaps, read fruendum, or regard fructum as the first word of some proverbial sentence. Tyrrell and Purser propose pe/praxqai—actum esse—c'est fini.

^[1016]: The learned freedman who arranged Cicero's library (vol. i., p.224). He had written a book which Cicero wants to hear read with Atticus. See A XII, 9.

^[1017]: The first day of the month on which interest was due.

^[1018]: a)rxe/tupa used playfully for ledgers. The Nicasiones are money-lenders.

^[1019]: A writer on early Roman history, see de Leg. I, 2.

^[1020]: Apparently the property of some Pompeian who owed Cicero money was confiscated. From such confiscated properties as a rule debts and dowries were paid, the exchequer or the sector taking the balance. Caesar had admitted Cicero's debt, which he says he may deal with in three ways. (1) He may purchase the estate at the auction, deducting the amount of his claim, and then sell it for what it would fetch, but probably there were other debts on it and he would get no balance; besides, to act as a sector (making money by one's friends' misfortunes) was undignified (2 Phil. §§ 64-65). (2) He might transfer the whole business to another purchaser at the auction (manceps), who would undertake to pay him in a year's time. But he did not know whom to trust. (3) He might accept an offer of Vettienus, the banker, to pay him half down, Vettienus taking the risk of recouping himself by dealing in some way with the estate. The "year of Meton" was a proverb for indefinite postponement, "Meton's year" meaning the solar cycle of nineteen years, which he discovered (about B.C. 430-400 at Athens).

^[1021]: Apparently the great games given by Caesar at the dedication of the temple of Venus soon after his return from Africa (Dio, 43, 22-23).

^[1022]: The MSS. have clypo, for which Boot—as does Mueller—reads a)tu/pw| and explains it to refer to Balbus "the stammerer." But there seems no reason to suppose that Caesar should bestir himself just now about Balbus. It seems to me that the reference needed is to the coming campaign in Spain. Cicero is afraid Caesar will be in a hurry to leave home and not stay to see to the sales of confiscated properties. Now Q. Pedius—Caesar's nephew-was one of the commanders sent with the army in advance to Spain, from which urgent messages were coming (B. Hisp. 1-2). I therefore suggest Q. Pedio for clypo.

^[1023]: The Caesarians, with whom Atticus was intimate, such as Hirtius, Balbus, Oppius, and the like. Cicero refers to the suggestion that he ahould write a panegyric on Cato.

^[1024]: Some friend of Caesar and Atticus, several times mentioned, but unknown to us.

^[1025]: The beginning of a line of Ennius, Quintu' pater quartum consul. The phrase nihil sapere is a common euphemism; it means "to be a fool" (Phil. 2.8).

^[1026]: The Lupercalia had apparently more or less fallen into desuetude, and Caesar had restored them and endowed the Luperci with funds, of which the senate deprived them after his death (Phil. 13.31). Augustus revived the festival again (Suet. Aug. 31 ; Monum. Ancyr. 4), and it continued till nearly the end of the fifth century A.D. But it seems to have been thought undignified in Republican times. Cicero's objection to his nephew being a Lupercus, however, was probably as much on the ground of its being a Caesarian restoration as anything else.

^[1027]: What had happened about Quintus's favourite freedman and secretary Statius, or about Philotimus, Terentia's freedman of doubtful honesty, we do not know.

^[1028]: Apparently for his nephew's expenses as Lupercus.

^[1029]: Words of Pindar (N. i. I) describingthe place at Syracuse, where the river Alpheus, after flowing beneath the sea, rose to the surface and was called Arethusa.

^[1030]: There is, I think, some irony intended. Atticus was always rich, and Cicero more than once hints that he was a little over "careful" of his money (vol. i., p.234; vol. ii., p.139).

^[1031]: His panegyric on Cato (lost), which was answered by Caesar's Anticato.

^[1032]: Caelius was a banker or money-changer.

^[1033]: Hegesias of Magnesia (in Asia) affected an abrupt and elliptic style. See Brut. § 286; Orat. § 230.

^[1034]: For Tyrannio and his book which Cicero wished to have read in the company of Atticus, see p.72. Tyrrell and Purser say it was "on accents," and see a reference to that in in ista acuta et gravi. There is no other authority for the subject of the book. Tyrannio wrote a large number of books, and there is nothing but this to shew what particular one is meant. The te/los is thought by some to refer to the treatise de Finibus, on which Caesar was now employed; but it may equally well refer to the previous sentence-Atticus's te/los or summum bonum was "knowledge."

^[1035]: Cicero playfully alludes to Atticus as taking part in his dialogue Brutus, which was represented as taking place as they were sitting "on a lawn near Plato's statue" (in pratulo propter Platonis statuam); and, as Atticus had been thus basking in sun on Cicero's imaginary lawn, he says that he shall ask to bask also on Atticus's real lawn, only with more creature comforts, such as a dinner. But it is obscurely expressed.

^[1036]: Terence, Haut. 75. Mueller begins a separate letter with these words.

^[1037]: Orat. § 29, where Aristophanes (Ach. 530) is quoted as saying that Pericles "blazed, thundered, and threw all Greece into a turmoil."

^[1038]: Caesar was thinking of planting a colony at Buthrotum, and Atticus was trying to avoid confiscation of lands, either his own or those of the townsmen, near his villa. We shall hear much more of it.

^[1039]: With Caesar to fight against the sons of Pompey.

^[1040]: See Letter DXCVI.

^[1041]: Of the dowry to be repaid by Dolabella after his divorce from Tullia.

^[1042]: Is Caesar going to Spain at once-where there is a plain thus called near Tarraco—or does he stay for the elections on the Campus Martius?

^[1043]: The divorce of Terentia has taken place, and there seems to be a question of choosing a new wife.

^[1044]: The dates of this and the following letters to Atticus are deduced from DLX and DLXI, which give us the first indication—23rd of March. As Cicero says he will write every day, supposing no letter to be missing, we can feel fairly certain of their correctness.

^[1045]: A doctor mentioned by Horace, Sat. ii. 3, 161.

^[1046]: The augurs met regularly on the Nones of each month. The only admissible excuse for non-attendance (besides absence from Rome on official duty) was ill-health. See de Am. § 8, where Cicero represents his own case in the person of Laelius. There is nothing to shew whether M. Appuleius was the senior augur, to whom the excuse was to be given, or a recently elected augur, at whose inauguration and accompanying banquet Cicero felt unable to attend. The excuse appears to have needed the attestation of three other augurs.

^[1047]: There are two men named Q. Cornificius, father and son, mentioned in the correspondence. The former was a candidate with Cicero for the consulship (vol. i., p. 13); the latter was now going as governor to Africa (see p.131).

^[1048]: I.e., to his province. Pansa had left Rome at the end of the previous year paludatus (p.193). Boot supposes that he stayed in some villa till March, which was the usual time of going to a province.

^[1049]: See p.199.

^[1050]: L. Marcius Philippus, step-father of Augustus. See p.313.

^[1051]: Cicero wished to build a shrine in honour of Tullia's memory. His first idea was to do this at Astura (p.206): but he soon changed to the plan of purchasing suburban horti.

^[1052]: This is the "return from Narbo," of which Cicero makes such large use in the second Philippic (§§ 76, 77). The "securities" were those given for the confiscated property which Antony had bought, especially that of Pompey, for which he had not paid.

^[1053]: Seven was the legal number.

^[1054]: Brother of his second wife.

^[1055]: If consecrated, the building would not change hands with a change of owners of the property.

^[1056]: In the second Philippic (§ 77) Cicero says that Antony's sudden and secret return from Narbo caused great alarm in Italy. Probably people thought that he had bad news from Spain, or orders from Caesar to take some strong measures.

^[1057]: Ad quos dies. Perhaps the plural may allude to the several stages his journey, stopping—as we have often seen Cicero doing—at one villa after another for the night. See Letter DCXXI (A XIII, 9).

^[1058]: As getting an allowance from his mother when her dower was refunded.

^[1059]: We know nothing of this Caepio. Boot quotes Seneca (Consol. ad Helviam, 16, 7) to show that Rutilia survived her son. C. Aurelius Cotta, consul B.C. 75, was a great orator. These antiquarian questions, as well as the whole tone of the letter, shew that Cicero was conquering his sorrow.

^[1060]: We cannot explain this, because we don't know the circumstances. The son of Cato Uticensis, still a minor, seems to have borrowed money through his guardian, payment of which was being claimed by Piso.

^[1061]: Apparently Terentia owed Balbus money; she proposed that Cicero's debt to her, on account of dowry, should be transferred to him.

^[1062]: I. e., in assigning the part of defending the Epicurean philosophy to some friend as a speaker in the de Finibus.

^[1063]: Reading accedit. But the MSS. have recedit, and many other emendations have been proposed. Faberius (Caesar's secretary) owed Cicero money, and was slow in paying.

^[1064]: Ovia it seems had to take a property at a valuation for her debt. See Letter DCXXXII (A XIII, 22), cp. p.93, note. Eros is Atticus a steward.

^[1065]: B.C. 155 Carneades the Academic, Diogenes the Stoic, and Critolaus the Peripatetic came to Rome to plead against the fine of 500 talents imposed on Athens for a raid upon Oropus.

^[1066]: We know nothing of the persons named. It seems to refer to some instances mentioned by Cicero in his Consolatio of a son (or daughter) of eminent qualities lost in the father's lifetime.

^[1067]: A learned grammarian of Cos, who was with Cicero in Cilicia (vol. ii., p.221).

^[1068]: As to the arrangements with Terentia for the repayment of her dowry.

^[1069]: Cicero thinks he will be forced to go to Rome to join in the complimentary reception of Brutus, customary on the return from a province. See vol. ii., p.234.

^[1070]: Publilius, brother of Cicero's second wife, was going to Africa. The question is whether he is going by the long sea voyage from Rome, or the overland route by Sicily.

^[1071]: The young son of Dolabella and Tullia, of whose birth see vol. ii., p.403. Dolabella had been adopted into the plebeian family of Lentulus in B.C. 49 in order to obtain the tribuneship. Hence his son's name.

^[1072]: Caesar's secretary—now in Spain—owed Cicero money.

^[1073]: This man's name was Q. Caecilius Epirota, a freedman of Atticus (taking his patron's adoptive name, see vol. i., p. i68). The scandal seems to have got abroad, see Suet. Gramm. 16. That Cicero should suggest such a thing to Atticus shews the extraordinary intimacy between them.

^[1074]: See p.222.

^[1075]: There is nothing to shew who this is. It may be the Hermogenes of Letter DCXXXVII.

^[1076]: By Publilius and his mother and sister. See p.225.

^[1077]: Some villa of Atticus's at Ficulea or Ficulnea, about ten miles from Rome on the Via Nomentana.

^[1078]: That is, the part of the property on which he would build the memorial fane to Tullia.

^[1079]: During April Cicero seems to have been at or near Rome. See p. 227.

^[1080]: A lex Cornelia of the dictator Sulla regulated the expenses of funerals (Plut. Sull. 35). It may—though it is not known-have also limited the amount to be expended on monuments. The recent lex Iulia may also have contained some regulation on the subject.

^[1081]: By exempting it from following the proprietorship of the land. Such monuments had on them the letters H. M. N. S., "this monument does not go with (the land)"; or H. M. H. N. S., hoc monumentum heredem non sequitur, "does not belong to the heir." It was a regulation as old as the Twelve Tables, see de Leg. 2.61.

^[1082]: L. Roscius Otho, the proposer of the lex theatralis (see vol. i., p. 113). Scapula apparently had died in Spain (see p.241), and Otho was one of his heirs.

^[1083]: Gnaeus Pompeius was no favourite of Cicero's. He had threatened, indeed, to kill him, when he wished to quit the fleet after the battle of Pharsalia. He was killed by Didius (11 April) when landing to get water on his flight from Carteia after the battle of Thapsus.

^[1084]: His nephew, still calumniating him in Caesar's camp.

^[1085]: Founder of the Cynic School at Athens about B.C. 366. One of his many dialogues was called Cyrus.

^[1086]: That is, an answer to Cicero's Cato. Hirtius—under Caesar's direction-appears to have published an answer, which was meant to be a prologue to a fuller one by Caesar himself, which appeared afterwards in two books (Suet. Iul. 56).

^[1087]: Addressed to Caesar, on the resettlement of the constitution. Aristotle addressed a treatise to Alexander peri\ basilei/as. Theopompus (b. B.C. 378) wrote among his orations (sumbouleutikoi\ lo/goi) one addressed to Alexander on the state of his native Chios.

^[1088]: That is during April, in which there are no letters to Atticus. I do not think in hortis can refer to Astura. It is always used of a suburban residence or grounds.

^[1089]: I suggest non est solvendo for non est in eo (cp. Phil. 2.4). Others suggest non extimesco (Madvig), non timeo (Tyrrell and Purser). Taking solvendo, the reference would be to some (to us unknown) Lentulus who was said to be wishing to buy the horti Scapulani.

^[1090]: The recovery of his debt from Faberius. See p.223.

^[1091]: Of Atticus being very busy. See p.242.

^[1092]: The text of this clause is very corrupt. I have translated the reading of Tyrrell and Purser.

^[1093]: That is, the property is too far from Rome, and would necessitate staying a night there. It could not be visited for a few hours.

^[1094]: From these and some similar expressions afterwards it has been inferred that Tullia died at Tusculum. From p. 181 it would seem to be more likely that it was at Rome.

^[1095]: We know nothing of Fulvinius: he must have been notorious for spreading false news. Philotimus was so also (see vol. ii., p. 384). Very characteristically the report was true in fact, though only half the truth. Gnaeus Pompeius was not invested at Carteia, for he escaped on board ship. But not long afterwards he was killed when landing to take in water. See p.240.

^[1096]: See p.240.

^[1097]: The Academica and the de Finibus. Or, as some think, the two books of the original edition of the Academica.

^[1098]: Vergilius was one of the co-heirs of Scapula.

^[1099]: Who was asking an unfair price. See p.249.

^[1100]: Though my establishment want to go to Rome.

^[1101]: See p. 251, note.

^[1102]: See p. 250.

^[1103]: See p. 223.

^[1104]: That is, a statue of Caesar in the temple of Quirinus on the Quirinal (Dio, 47, 45). The house of Atticus was on the Quirinal, near the temple of Salus. See vol. i., p.187 [A IV, 11].

^[1105]: See last letter.

^[1106]: See pp. 243, 250. The tract of Hirtius contained a complimentary reference to Cicero himself.

^[1107]: Cicero quotes the full description that this man gave of himself. He was apparently an impostor named Amatias or Herophilus (a veterinary surgeon), but he claimed to be a grandson of the great Marius, and therefore a relation of Caesar, whose aunt Iulia was wife of Marius. He met the young Octavius on his return after Munda, and begged him to acknowledge his relationship, but was cautiously though politely declined. After Caesar's assassination he again made a parade of his relationship by putting up the column raised to mark the spot in the forum where Caesar's body was burnt; this became the centre of much rioting, and Antony at length interfered and put the would-be Marius to death. See Letters DCCV, DCCVI, DCCVII; Nicolas Dam. vit. Caes. 14; Valer. Max. 1.15,.2; App. B.C. iii. 2, 3. Cicero would be his quasi-relation through his grandmother Gratidia, whose brother adopted the younger Marius, the impostor's supposed father. L. Cassius the orator had a daughter married to this same younger Marius, and therefore claimed by the impostor as his mother.

^[1108]: See vol. i., Introduction, p. xiv.

^[1109]: The same M. Curtius Postumus, whose expected augurship in B.C. 49 Cicero laughed at. See vol. ii.., p.287.

^[1110]: That is, the auction of Sextus Peducaeus. See pp. 255, 268

^[1111]: One of the heirs of Scapula. See pp.241, 252.

^[1112]: He means Oppius and Balbus.

^[1113]: That is, of some debts to himself. He was to assign them to Caerellia in payment of his debt to her. If we translate it "note of hand"—as though that would clear Cicero of his debt—we should be following the precedent of Mr. Micawber. The point of the quotation is that there is a great chance of Cicero not being able to get the debts to himself paid. For the word perscriptio see vol. i., p.301 (Att. 4.17).

^[1114]: A line from some unknown comedy, often quoted by Cicero.

^[1115]: The wife of P. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther was Caecilia Metella, who was believed to have intrigued with Dolabella (see p.44), and with Aesopus, son of the actor (Hor. Sat. ii. 3, 239).

^[1116]: Philosophy—in which the Greek terms would be difficult to represent in Latin.

^[1117]: Marcianus and Montanus of the previous letter, both at Athens with young Cicero.

^[1118]: Balbus and Oppius.

^[1119]: There is nothing to shew to what this refers; but the next letter shews that Atticus had had to tell Cicero that Oppius and Balbus did not approve of his letter to Caesar. Perhaps they thought it too didactic, and unbecoming in Cicero's position. He would be particularly sensitive on that point, as he had plumed himself on being able to offer political advice which might affect the situation. See pp.261, 262.

^[1120]: The Parthians were again threatening Syria, and Caesar seems to have let it be known that he wished to lead an army against them. He was, in fact, preparing to do so when he was assassinated.

^[1121]: kolakei/a, a strong word. Speaking frankly to Atticus, Cicero makes no concealment of his real dislike of Caesar's policy and of his own unwilling submission to force majeure.

^[1122]: Their common nephew Quintus.

^[1123]: Alluding to Caesar's statue in the temple of Quirinus (see p.255), and to his bust being carried with those of the gods in the procession with which the ludi Circenses were opened (Suet. Iul. 76). See p. 310.

^[1124]: See p.85.

^[1125]: Of losing a hold upon Caesar's favour. This shews a decided change in the tone of Cicero's references to Caesar. The extraordinary honours voted to him after the news of Munda—among which was the life dictatorship—may account for this, as destroying all hope of a constitutional government.

^[1126]: Iuventius Thalna was perhaps a candidate for the hand of Atticus's daughter Attica (properly Caecilia), who eventually married Agrippa.

^[1127]: to\n tu=fo/n mou pro\s qew=n tropoforh/swn. The last word—of which the Latin morigerari is a translation-seems only to occur in Acts, 13.18.

^[1128]: The dowry of Tullia, which Dolabella owed after the divorce.

^[1129]: The debt of Faberius, Caesar's secretary, to Cicero, so often mentioned, see p.223, etc. There seems to have been some question as to a payment in gold-perhaps in foreign coin. See p.271.

^[1130]: The king of Cappadocia whom Cicero bad supported and saved in B.C. 51-50. See vol. ii. p.102. Sextus is Sextus Peducaeus.

^[1131]: A description of a descent into the cave of Trophonius in Boeotia.

^[1132]: A 1,000 iugera amount to 625 English acres; 11,500 sestertia to about £92,000. That gives about £147 per acre, which for property close to the city is not perhaps too much.

^[1133]: This may refer to some story of young Quintus. But we cannot be sure.

^[1134]: The younger Quintus Cicero was with Caesar in Spain. He appears to have written to his uncle Atticus, making the most of his adventures. His habit of romancing is again illustrated in Letter DCCL (Att. 15.21). Some editors put this paragraph (down to "today") at the end of Letter DCIII: but it seems no more in place there, and leaves this letter beginning with ei dedi, without anyone for ei to refer to.

^[1135]: He is referring to the ten commissioners sent out to settle the affairs of the towns of Achaia after the destruction of Corinth by Mummius, B.C. 146. They drew out constitutions for the several towns,

^[1136]: Literas (see vo1. i., p.34). "Torquatus" means the first book of the de Finibus, "Catulus" and "Lucullus" the first and second books of the Academica, in which they are the speakers.

^[1137]: B.C. 132.

^[1138]: For the ten commissioners in the Peloponnesus, see p.268. Cicero's difficulty is this. To be a commissioner in B.C. 146 a man must have been a senator, that is, he must at least have been quaestor in B.C. 147 (at latest). But if Tuditanus was quaestor in B.C. 147 and obtained the praetorship in his regular year (legitimo anno) he would be praetor in B.C. 139; whereas Tuditanus was not quaestor till B.C. 145 and praetor till B.C. 132, seven years late. The solution is given in Letter DCXII. It was a son who was quaestor in B.C. 145, praetor in B.C. 132. The commissioner was his father and had held his offices (not, however, the consulship) many years before, and therefore was eligible for the commissionership in B.C. 146.

^[1139]: Polyb. 39.15

^[1140]: B.C. 151.

^[1141]: The question is of certain debts due to Faberius, which he offers to assign to Cicero in payment of the money owed to him (see p.265). Cicero is satisfied with the list of names; but Atticus would rather have had one name, or at least fewer, and yet does not approve of the substitution of Caelius for all or some of them. Thereupon Cicero says that they had better make the best of the list as it stands.

^[1142]: The auction of the horti Scapulani which Cicero had contemplated buying for Tullia's shrine. He goes on to say that Atticus, no doubt, would have to be his security for the purchase-money till the debts above-mentioned were got in, but a corresponding time of grace can be obtained from the vendors, so that Atticus's guarantee would not be called upon, and the money would be paid out of his own pocket. This sense I think can be fairly got from the text as given by Tyrrell

^[1143]: From his province of Gallia Cisalpina. Mustela and Marcius Crispus were two of the co-heirs of Scapula.

^[1144]: See previous letter.

^[1145]: See p.265.

^[1146]: B.C. 142. L. Tubulus was accused of taking a bribe when presiding at a trial for murder (de Fin. 2, § 54).

^[1147]: B.C. 141.

^[1148]: B.C. 136.

^[1149]: B.C. 150 or 149. The crime of Servius Galba was the treacherous treatment of the Lusitani, whom he sold as slaves, though they had surrendered on promise of freedom. He was impeached by L. Scribonius Libo in B.C. 147 (according to Livy, Ep. 49), who was supported by one of the last speeches made by Cato the censor. See Brutus, § 89, where Cicero says that the Lusitani were killed.

^[1150]: Brutus, § 101.

^[1151]: B.C. 145. See ante, p.269.

^[1152]: See p.270.

^[1153]: See p.269.

^[1154]: That is, for the payment of the horti which Cicero wished to buy (the Scapulani). See p.270.

^[1155]: See p.271.

^[1156]: This seems to be the return of income (professio) required by the lex Iulia municipalis (B.C. 46). The first clause, as it is preserved, says that if a man is away from Rome, he must instruct his man of business or agent (quei eius negotia curabit) to make the return for him. See Bruns, Fontes Juris Romani, p.101.

^[1157]: Reading hodie in Capitoho. The MSS. have H. in Capitolio. It refers to the return or professio which, according to the law, § 15, had to be entered in the public records (in tabulas publicas referunda curato) which were kept in the record office, the tabularium, at the foot of the Capitol.

^[1158]: That is, for the horti Scapulani.

^[1159]: See p.266.

^[1160]: B.C. 146.

^[1161]: The praefecti accompanying a consul or proconsul in a province were officers of the cavalry, engineers, etc., as we have seen in vol. ii., p.170. For the confusion between the elder and younger Tuditanus, see p. 269.

^[1162]: Because not yet a senator.

^[1163]: In the Mithridatic war, to organize the province of Pontus and Bithynia (B.C. 68).

^[1164]: I. e., instead of undertaking the Parthian war.

^[1165]: The letter which was not sent, owing to the disapproval of Balbus and Oppius.

^[1166]: Tyrrell and Purser and Mueller arrange this paragraph as a separate letter, a day later than the previous part. But there does not seem sufficient reason for departing from the ordinary arrangement. Cicero often began a letter early in the day, and added a postscript later, when anything turned up.

^[1167]: The younger Quintus, who was with Caesar.

^[1168]: In urging Dolabella to stand his friend with Caesar. Aulus Manlius Torquatus, after Pompey's defeat, had been living in exile at Athens. He appears now to have been allowed to return. See p.235.

^[1169]: From Claudia, to marry Porcia.

^[1170]: I.e., for the marriage with Porcia, a daughter of Cato and widow of Bibulus, a marriage which seems to have caused much excitement among the remains of the Pompeian party.

^[1171]: Dolabella had been with Caesar in Spain, but had come home direct, whereas Caesar (according to Nicolas of Damascus, "Life of Augustus," c. 11-12) went with Octavius and others to Carthage to arrange for the settlement of his colony there.

^[1172]: From Tusculum to Arpinum is about sixty miles, and it would be a two days' journey, which may possibly account for the plural ad quos dies, which, however, Dr. Reid would change to quo die; but see p.207. Cicero was detained a considerable time at Arpinum.

^[1173]: Servius Sulpicius Rufus, consul B.C. 51. Atticus must have meant that Cicero was the sole surviving consular of the militant Pompeian party. For several ex-consuls were still surviving. See a list of such consulars dead by B.C. 44 in Phil. 2.12. But perhaps, after all, he used the expression with that kind of careless exaggeration apt to rise to the lips at a sudden shock, such as the news of the assassination of Marcellus, and Cicero takes it too literally.

^[1174]: About his marriage with Porcia.

^[1175]: ou) tau)to\n ei)=dos. Cicero, as usual, expects Atticus to fill up any well-known quotation. It is from Eur. Ion 585: Not the same look wear things when far removed As when beneath our eyes and close at hand.

^[1176]: Why not? It may refer to the morning call or salutatio. Cicero even in the country was accustomed to receive many guests at it, and perhaps as a consularis it was not etiquette for him to go to levees of men of lower official rank, and Brutus had as yet held no curule office. We may remember that Juvenal notices it as a corruption of his period that a praetor is seen at such a levée. Visiting later in the day was not usual except by intimate friends, and Cicero, when he paid a visit to Pompey in the evening, thinks it necessary to offer an explanation (vol. i., p.223). He always seems to dislike the interruption of late visitors.

^[1177]: The mother of Brutus.

^[1178]: A money-lender.

^[1179]: Because the horti Scapulani were soon to be sold, and money would be wanted.

^[1180]: Delivered in B.C. 46 before Caesar at his house in defence of Q. Ligarius, accused of maiestas.

^[1181]: Callippides appears to have been someone who, like Mr. Pecksniff's horse, made a great show but did little; but whether he was an actor or a runner seems uncertain.

^[1182]: Hes. WD 347-348: From neighbour take full measure, and pay him back no lower, Measure and all or better still, if thou but hast the power.

^[1183]: The first edition of the Academica was in two books, and the chief speakers were Catulus and Lucullus. It was afterwards arranged in four books, in which Varro takes the chief part in the dialogues. Antiochus of Ascalon was lecturing at Athens when Cicero was there in B.C. 79. He had also been a friend of Lucullus. His school is sometimes called the " Fifth Academy," approaching nearer to Stoicism and receding from the full scepticism of the New Academy.

^[1184]: That is, as Manutius explains, Cicero has been named magister auctionis by his co-heirs, i.e., he is to direct the realization and distribution of the estate.

^[1185]: For this second edition of the Academica, see last letter. Cicero cannot mean that he effected the change in one day. He must refer to an old letter of Atticus.

^[1186]: The first edition in two books, which Atticus's librarii had been copying.

^[1187]: I.e., public opinion, as often (see vol. i., p.90, etc.). He could not dedicate anything with a political tinge in it to Dolabella—a Caesarian—without being criticised by his own friends.

^[1188]: The Academica.

^[1189]: The Fibrenus and Liris (Horace's taciturnus amnis).

^[1190]: About the marriage with Porcia, which his mother Servilia—a close friend of Caesar—would probably oppose.

^[1191]: The reading is very doubtful (imperasses vellem igitur aliquid tuis). Klotz (Teubner text) has non quo imperassem tuis, which would mean, "not that I had given your messengers any orders." Mueller (the new Teubner text) imperassem igitur aliquid tuis. The MSS. have non imperassem.

^[1192]: Hermodorus, a pupil of Plato, was said to have made money in Sicily by selling his master's discourses, which he had taken down. Cicero, as usual, does not give the whole quotation: lo/goisin *(ermo/dwros e)mporeu/etai.

^[1193]: peri\ mikra\ spouda/zein.

^[1194]: The Academica, second edition.

^[1195]: What all this refers to we cannot be sure. Possibly it is to a pro-posed husband for Attica, who eventually married the great minister of Augustus—M. Vipsanius Agrippa. But she was only about ten years old.

^[1196]: The modern Seville on the Guadalquivir.

^[1197]: It was proposed to divert the Tiber so as to include part of the Vatican district. See p.300.

^[1198]: Q. Aelius Tubero prosecuted Ligarius; we know nothing of his wife and step-daughter, or how it was proposed to bring them into the speech.

^[1199]: The Academica and the de Finibus. Cicero means that his philosophical studies are not merely theoretical—they affect his view of life and of the value of fame.

^[1200]: I.e., in the earlier part of his career, especially in the consulship.

^[1201]: See p.273.

^[1202]: Reading utraque. By adopting Onelli's in utraque, Brutus is made the nominative to pareat, and Porcia and Servilia are made to be jealous of each other's hold on the affections of Brutus. I think this too recondite, and that the passage has been misunderstood. Brutus

^[1203]: Like our "talk of the devil." But I don't know what the fable alluded to is.

^[1204]: I.e., to dinner.

^[1205]: Both German and French have equivalent expressions; but I do not know of any in English. I agree with Dr. Reid in referring this proverb to a remark of Atticus which Cicero remembered.

^[1206]: This scheme was never carried out, though both Dio (43, 58) and Aulus Gellius (13, 14) say that Caesar did enlarge the pomaerium.

^[1207]: The horti Scapulae which Cicero wanted to buy seem to be included in the new district that Caesar meant to make into a Campus Martius, and so Cicero would have been obliged to surrender them, probably at a loss. See p.296.

^[1208]: C. Furius Camillus. He was an authority on property law (vol. ii., p.237).

^[1209]: The day of the auction of Scapula's horti.

^[1210]: The Academica.

^[1211]: The de Finibus.

^[1212]: By the Iulian law, passed at the end of B.C. 49, mortgagers were not only allowed to satisfy their creditors by handing over property valued at the market price before the civil war, but were also authorized to deduct the amount of interest paid. It was only meant as a temporary measure to meet a temporary crisis, but Cicero says that of course his debtors will take advantage of it. For nosti domum Dr. Reid proposes nosti dominum: "You know their master (Caesar), like master, like man." Tyrrell explains: "You know the house "—-i.e., the house to be sold.

^[1213]: It seems a harsh thing of Cicero to look upon his son—though he had given him some trouble—as already unworthy to be his heir. Young Marcus was now at Athens, though he had wished to join Caesar's army in Spain. See p.144.

^[1214]: A well-known centurion and favourite of Caesar. Nothing is known of Polla, and Dr. Reid suggests Balbo—for Cicero has before suggested talking to Balbus on the debt due by Faberius. On the other hand, Cicero is putting forward these names as of men harsh and barely honest: while of Balbus he generally speaks respectfully. The reading of the paragraph is very doubtful, and probably there are several corruptions.

^[1215]: I. e., public opinion, as often. See vol. i., p.90, etc.

^[1216]: In alteram aurem, a proverb for undisturbed sleep, and so a quiet mind. It is used by Terence (Haut. 342), Plautus (Pseud. i. I, 121), and Pliny (Ep. 4.29). It was a Greek proverb also: e)p' a)mfo/tera ta\ w)=ta kaqeu/dein (Pollux, 2.84). It is also French: dormir sur les deux oreilles. I don't know of any English equivalent, but there is the converse, "to sleep with one eye (or ear) open."

^[1217]: The day of the auction of the horti Scapulani.

^[1218]: Homer, Il. 11.654.

^[1219]: Macrocolla, makro/kolla, was a particularly large and expensive kind either of paper or parchment. It was the size and shape, not the material, that gave the name. Cicero refers to it again in Att. 16.3.Pliny (N. H 13.80) says that it was a cubit broad. Cicero had had the "presentation copy" written on this expensive material.

^[1220]: Tiro's treatise on shorthand-notae Tironianae—survives.

^[1221]: The letter to Varro is that which precedes this one.

^[1222]: An Athenian—some architect employed to carry out Caesar's scheme for enlarging the city. See p.300.

^[1223]: Varro was the most learned man of the day, and his opinion was as important as a review in "The Times" for the success of a book. Still this extraordinary nervousness as to his being pleased or not seems a little exaggerated.

^[1224]: Of the auction, which had been fixed for the 15th.

^[1225]: The games of Apollo, which were on the 12th and following days of July.

^[1226]: The ludi Circenses (at the feast of Apollo) were opened by a pro-cession carrying the figures of the gods. Caesar's bust was carried on a tensa and fircula next to that of Victory. Cotta is L. Cotta, one of the quindecemviri, who, having with his colleagues the charge of the Sibylline books, was reported to have said that they contained an oracle declaring that the Parthians could only be conquered by a Roman king, and to have expressed an intention of proposing that Caesar should have that title (Suet. Iul. 76-79). L. Cotta was consul in B.C. 65. See de Divin. 2.110, ante, p.263.

^[1227]: These are books, which Cicero apparently wanted for reference in writing his treatise to Caesar, which, however, was never written. L. Scribonius Libo wrote annals (p.268); the others are not known.

^[1228]: These were Atticus's librarii. The mistake still remains in the text (pro Lig. § 33).

^[1229]: In regard to his divorce of his second wife Publilia.

^[1230]: Terence, Andr. 185.

^[1231]: See p. 308. "I have written to say that the postponement of the auction will postpone my arrival for two days, but I shall come now unless you say that it is postponed again."

^[1232]: L. Marcius Philippus, step-father of Augustus. He calls him in jest the "son of Amyntas," the name of the father of Philip king of Macedonia. See pp.202, 203.

^[1233]: The house of Atticus was on the Collis Quirinalis, that of Cicero on the Mons Palatinus. So Cicero talks of "the hill" in referring to Atticus's house, as people living, e.g., in Grosvenor Place speak of those living "in the Square," i.e., in Grosvenor Square.

^[1234]: That is, about effecting his recall. See p.235.

^[1235]: The question is as to the right Latin equivalent for e)pe/xein and e)poxh/, the technical terms of the Academies for "suspension of judgment" in consequence of the impossibility of arriving at scientific certainty.

^[1236]: M. Aemilius Lepidus was "Master of the Horse," and as such was next in rank to Caesar the dictator. In this year Caesar was sole consul for several months, but afterwards had three colleagues one after the other.

^[1237]: Reading neutiquam. The MSS. have antequam, and Mueller reads non antequam, "not till it is necessary."

^[1238]: Porcia, sister of Cato Uticensis, was wife of L. Domitius Ahenobarbus (who fell at Pharsalia) and mother of Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, who was afterwards implicated in the plot against Caesar, and played a considerable part in the later civil wars. She was aunt to Brutus's wife Porcia. Therefore Cicero expects a copy of his laudatio to be sent to Brutus as well as to Porcia's son.

^[1239]: Apparently because they were so bad.

^[1240]: The younger Quintus, who was in Caesar's army in Spain.

^[1241]: This all refers to the will of Cluvius of Puteoli (see p. 328). Cicero, Caesar, and Offilius are among the joint heirs. Balbus is acting for Caesar, and the question is as to selling the estate and dividing it in the due proportions.

^[1242]: The younger Quintus Cicero.

^[1243]: A fragment of Pindar of four lines: po/teron di/ka| tei=xos u(/yion h)\ skoliai=s a)pa/tais a)nabai/nei e)pixqo/nion ge/nos a)ndrw=n, di/xa moi no/os a)tre/keian ei)pei=n. Whether it is by justice that the race of men upon the earth mount a lofty wall or by crooked wiles, my mind is divided in pronouncing the truth.

^[1244]: "By Quintus (junior) coming to see me at Tusculum."

^[1245]: Cicero thinks he must meet Caesar at Rome or perhaps on his road to Rome. But at Astura he would be out of the way of doing so, if Caesar suddenly appeared by sea at Ostia or from the north.

^[1246]: An Athenian Epicurean philosopher, whose lectures Cicero had himself attended (de Fin. 1.16; see vol. ii., p.28). Cicero used his work largely in the de Natura Deorum, on which he is now engaged. A fragment believed to be part of the treatise of Phaedrus peri\ qew=n was found at Herculaneum.

^[1247]: The title of the second book mentioned is unintelligible in the MSS. peri\ pallados, (ella/dos, *)apollodw/rou have been proposed by various editors.

^[1248]: The boni are all killed in the several battles of the civil war. Caesar must go to the other world to find them.

^[1249]: The "Parthenon " is a library or other room in the house of Brutus. Thus Atticus had such a room which he called Amaltheium (vol. i., p. 44), and Cicero an Academeia (vol. i., p.12), and Augustus one which he called Syracusae (Suet. Aug. 72). Atticus's chef-d'oeuvre was a pedigree of the Iunian family, "which he made at the request of Brutus, from its origin to the present day, noting the birth of each man and the offices he had held " (Nepos, Att. 18). It enumerated among the ancestors Iunius Brutus, the expeller of the Tarquins, and C. Servilius Ahala, who killed Sp. Maelius for an alleged attempt at tyranny (Phil. 2.26). This was one of the ways in which Atticus—who dabbled in ancient history and antiquities-gratified his great friends. Cicero means, "if Brutus submits to Caesar, what is the use of his descent from these tyrannicides?" We may remember how this was used next year by the authors of libels (App. B.C. 2.112).

^[1250]: Hirtius, who had apparently induced young Quintus to join Caesar. See vol. ii., pp. 366, 375.

^[1251]: Probably Saxa Rubra, the first stage on the via Flaminia (Phil. 2.77), about ten miles from Rome. Quintus was coming home from Spain by way of Gaul.

^[1252]: skoli/ais a)pa/tais. See p.322.

^[1253]: As to Quintus marrying Cana, a daughter of Q. Gellius Canus.

^[1254]: Nisi quid a te commeat vesperi. But the MS. reading, retained by Mueller, is nisi quid a te commeatus, "unless I get leave of absence from you," i.e., "unless you send some letter which would permit of my not coming to Rome yet." Dr. Reid would omit it altogether.

^[1255]: L. Aelius Lamia was an aedile this year, and stood for the praetorship in B.C. 43.

^[1256]: The ludi Romami lasted from 15th to 19th of September.

^[1257]: By the postponement of the auction. See p.321.

^[1258]: Currentem tu quidem. See vol. ii., p. 181.

^[1259]: See pp. 280, 296, 328.

^[1260]: On the business connected with his share in the property of Cluvius. See p.328.

^[1261]: A banker at Puteoli (vol. ii., p.150, etc.).

^[1262]: De vini curatione, a contract for supplying wine at the games. Others, however, read de munerum curatione, "contracting for the gladiatorial show." See p.312.

^[1263]: See pp. 296, 326.

^[1264]: Atticus appears to have urged Cicero to write something of the nature of the letter before condemned to present to Caesar. Cicero says that he at once laid aside the philosophical treatise on which he was engaged (de Natura Deorum), and drew up a first sketch of such a document. The words are from some unknown poet.

^[1265]: Pollex had come from Puteoli, but had not brought full information (p.327). He is to be sent back to convey Cicero's formal authorization to Vestorius.

^[1266]: He expects Dolabella to instruct him how to behave to Caesar, as he had before instructed him in tbe art of dining.

^[1267]: The reading is doubtful. See p.329.

^[1268]: The Caesarians.

^[1269]: Cicero, as one of the heirs of Brinnius, was to join in a sale of the estate to Hetereius. To do that, without having the trouble of going to Puteoli personally, he was to convey it formally to a slave of the banker Vestorius sent for that purpose. It thus became the property of Vestorius himself, as the slave's master: and he then could convey it to Hetereius.

^[1270]: To meet Caesar. For Alsium, see p.86.

^[1271]: The text is corrupt—ne ridicule micillus. What word or words are concealed under micillus has puzzled everyone, and many suggestions have been made. I have translated it as though it were nimis blandus; but I do not profess to think that solution more likely than many others, or even as much so. After blandus we must understand viderer by a fairly easy ellipse.

^[1272]: Caesar's Anti-Cato.

^[1273]: The younger Quintus Cicero.

^[1274]: The Saturnalia began on the 17th of December.

^[1275]: We have no means of knowing what Caesar was told of Mamurra—his death, some think. Hardly the epigram of Catullus (57), as others have suggested (see Suet. Iul. 73). Mamurra was one of his agents whom Caesar had enriched (vol. ii., p.228).

^[1276]: This use of emetics—no doubt often abused-took at this time somewhat the place in medical treatment that bleeding did a hundred years ago. Caesar seems to have frequently submitted to it. See pro Deiot. § 21.

^[1277]: Verses of Lucilius.

^[1278]: This was apparently a sort of salute of honour to Dolabella, who was at this time irritated about the consulship for B.C. 44. Caesar had, it seems, promised it him, but now meant to take the first three months of it himself (Phil. 2.79). See the next letter.

^[1279]: Cicero's nephew Quintus.

^[1280]: Quintus is going with Caesar to the wars against the Getae and the Parthians. He seems to call the journey dishonourable to himself, not on its own account, but because of his motive in undertaking the service, i.e., to avoid his creditors.

^[1281]: Atticus.

^[1282]: Probably that of Felicitas (Dio, 45, 5).

^[1283]: mh\ sko/rdou (Tyrrell and Purser's brilliant emendation of the unintelligible word in the MSS.), lit. "No garlic!" Garlic was supposed to make people pugnacious, and is often mentioned in Aristophanes as used for feeding fighting-cocks: Eq. 494, 946; Acharn. 166; Pax, 502; Lys. 690. So Lucian in his Vera Historia (i. 13) names one of his imaginary people skorodoma/xoi, "garlic fighters."

^[1284]: Gaius Matius (Calvena), as shewn in the letters following.

^[1285]: In B.C. 47, when Caesar was on his way home from the Pontic campaign. Deiotarus had been Pompeian, and was afterwards accused of having attempted to poison Caesar, but the subject of Brutus' pleading was whether he was to retain his dominions.

^[1286]: At the representation of a mime of Publilius Sura, during which the people, as usual, had cheered their favourites.

^[1287]: L. Cassius (brother of C. Cassius) had been a Caesarian, but had in some way shewn sympathy with the assassins, and though tribune had been threatened with death by Antony if he came into the senate (Phil. 3.35). Cicero thinks applause given to him shews popular feeling for the party of the assassins.

^[1288]: Madaro = madarw=| =" Baldhead," a pun on the cognomen of Cicero's host, C. Matius Calvena. The next sentence is almost desperate. The MSS. have fala/kwma, which means nothing. I think that Atticus from Cicero's last letter gathered that Matius—a strong Caesarian—was for violent measures; that Cicero means here to modify it, and to say that he has moved somewhat in the direction of conciliation, though not far enough, for he is still bitterly opposed to Brutus. I therefore propose for the unintelligible fala/kwma a word used by Atticus before (vii. 12), nullus falarismo/s.

^[1289]: It is very likely that Cicero wrote this letter in his carriage on the way to Tusculum. He explains that he is late, having been detained by the talk of Matius, but he has just time to repeat the story that follows more clearly than in his last letter. It comes in parenthetically in the middle of his observations about Matius, just as a man might jot down things on a journey.

^[1290]: Antony, who had been voted a body-guard after the assassination of Caesar, had continually added to its number till he had an army of about 6,ooo men in or just outside Rome (App. B.C. iii. 5; Phil. 2.108).

^[1291]: I think this must refer to some definite persons mentioned by Atticus, who had some reason to wish to stand well with Cicero (see p.29).

^[1292]: We have heard once or twice before of some illnesses of Atticus, but Nepos says that he had no occasion for medicine for thirty years of his life. He seems, however, to have had a tendency to stomach disorders which he treated by fasting (Nep. Att. 21, 22).

^[1293]: That is, C. Asinius Pollio, now governor of Hispania Ulterior.

^[1294]: Aleatore. Cicero makes a good deal of Antony's gambling propensities in 2 Phil. §§ 35, 67. But the reading is doubtful. Mueller reads balneatore, in which case it may refer to the pseudo-Marius, the leader in these disorders (see vol. iii., p.256). They took the form of mass meetings round the column and altar set up by this man to mark the spot where Caesar's body was buried. Eventually Dolabella pulled it down and executed some of the most violent of the rioters (Phil. 1.5; Phil. 2.107; infra, pp.12, 13).

^[1295]: C. Octavius (the future Augustus) was at Apollonia in Epirus when the letter from his mother informed him of his great-uncle's death. The legions in the neighbourhood, that had wintered there to be ready for Caesar's expedition against the Getae, offered him their support. But he refused it and started for Italy with his friends. Cicero seems to think that he was already in Rome, but he did not go there for some weeks. He went to his mother and stepfather's Villa near Cumae, where he now is and where Cicero a little later met him. Cicero still calls him Octavius—not Octavianus—an indication that he was not (as some have maintained) adopted in his uncle's lifetime. After adoption his name is Gaius lulius Caesar Octavianus.

^[1296]: The impostor or pseudo-Marius, of whom see ante, p. 9; vol. iii., p.256.

^[1297]: Land granted by Caesar to his freedman Curtilius. Caesar placed his veterans in Campania with allotments of land.

^[1298]: The riots round the column raised in honour of Caesar by the false Marius. See pp. 9, 11, 13, etc.

^[1299]: For the impostor, see vol. iii., p.256. Antony had just put him to death without trial (App. B.C. 3.3). For the lodge at Sinuessa, see vol. iii., p.367.

^[1300]: Ironical, for this Amatius, calling himself Marius, claimed to be the son of the younger Marius, who appears to have married a daughter of the celebrated orator L. Crassus (ob. B.C. 91).

^[1301]: From her husband M. Lepidus (the future triumvir) to her brother Brutus.

^[1302]: L. Aemilius (Lepidus), who had taken the name of Paullus from adoption, brother of the triumvir. Consul B.C. 50.

^[1303]: Cleopatra, who had been staying at Rome—in Caesar's transtiberine horti—at the time of the assassination.

^[1304]: We know nothing of this business, but Plutarch (Cic. 25) says that Cicero wrote to a Byzantine named Pelops in Greek in regard to some honours the Byzantines proposed to bestow on him.

^[1305]: Some property that had been left to Cicero and others by Cluvius of Puteoli. Cicero had bought out his co-heirs (vol. iii., p.321).

^[1306]: Pansa and Hirtius had been designated consuls by Caesar, though probably a form of election had been gone through.

^[1307]: M. Curtius Postumus, an ardent Caesarian. See vol. ii., p.316.

^[1308]: Q. Caecilius Bassus (quaestor B.C. 59) escaped from Pharsalia to Syria, where he induced some of the soldiers of the praetor Sext. Iulius to murder their commander and join him, asserting that he had been appointed propraetor of Syria, and maintained himself for three years in Apamea till Cassius arrived early in B.C. 45. C. Antistius Vetus, who had been with Caesar in Spain in B.C. 61-60, had apparently been sent out specially to attack him. Volcatius is probably L. Volcatius Tullus, praetor in B.C. 46.

^[1309]: Dolabella had been allotted the province of Syria. Nicias Curtius of Cos was a Greek grammarian who had been with Cicero in Cilicia (vol. ii., p.223), and was now with Dolabella as secretary-friend, and Cicero jestingly supposes that he will have to take part in the war.

^[1310]: That is Belgic Gaul, where a rising had been feared. See p. 5.

^[1311]: See Letter DCC. C. Matins Calvena had prophesied a rising in Gaul. Hirtius, though he had been made governor of Gallia Belgica by Caesar in B.C. 44, had not gone to the province, but had governed it by a deputy.